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As the General Election approaches, many of Scotland's self-avowed “left-wing” intellectuals and trade unionists, who say they want to defend the interests of the Scottish working class have started promoting tactical support for the SNP. The electoral successes of the SNP have pushed to the fore once more of the question of Scottish independence. Some on the left regardless of reservations about the SNP argue for support for independence for Scotland, albeit for a ‘socialist’ Scotland.  The Socialist Party does not, of course, defend the present centralised UK state but it does not support separatism in Scotland.Left-nationalists preach that socialists and Scot Nats shared common agendas. They endeavour to wed socialists and nationalists into a marriage of convenience. You can make all the fine-sounding speeches you want to about mixing socialism with a supposedly progressive nationalism but that doesn’t alter the reality. Socialism cannot be accomplished without the capture of political power by the working class. Nationalism, on the other hand, is completely compatible with the continued existence of capitalism and the possessing class is past masters at exploiting nationalism when they need it. As a result, self-described left-nationalists end up despite themselves, promoting the interests of their own national bourgeoisie. Scottish nationalist agitation, whoever carries it out, does not strengthen the force for socialism, a united, class-conscious working class, but fragments and weakens it.Left-nationalists insist that their nationalism has nothing in common with the nationalism of right-wingers and that theirs is a nationalism of liberation.  How many peoples are now paying a heavy price for having put their faith in nationalist leaders? In spite of their “formal independence” many countries are still governed according to the rules of capitalist exploitation and foreign domination. Surely, Scots have enough experience to know that they cannot place any confidence in the capitalists, even if they are nationalists.
History has already taught us that the “nation of the nationalists” is a very deceptive notion. The “nation” – in the programmes of the nationalist parties and at election time, especially, when victory seems possible – designates everyone without exception: firefighters, workers, politicians, police, judges, industrialists, housewives and unemployed. But once the nationalists are victorious, at the first important conflict we see the “national” police clubbing the “national” workers by order of the “national” state whose legality is maintained at all costs by the “national” judges: the “national” housewives and their children go without basic necessities, the “national” industrialists maintain their profit level and the “national” finance companies do a great business. The SNP leadership, in its blind ambition to end the hegemony of the City of London financiers are is ready to make every concession to the bankers of the EU.  Perhaps the separation of Scotland is hard to accept for a section of Scottish and British capitalists, but capitalism itself wouldn’t be hurt by it. Strengthening one enemy at the expense of another, exploiting the contradictions within enemy ranks, is something the working class may do when it serves its interests and advances its struggle. But under no circumstances can it do this when it means sacrificing its fundamental interests when it hinders rather than serves its revolutionary strategy. This would definitely be the case if Scotland were to separate. Separation would undoubtedly weaken a certain section of the British bourgeoisie, but it would also do considerable damage to the Scottish working class as a whole. If we don’t oppose independence, it can only lead to the growth of nationalist ideas among Scottish workers, rather than internationalist ideas that go beyond even Fortress EU.
Independence is nothing but a dead-end road. It doesn’t bring us closer to socialism, only farther away from it. It maintains and reinforces the divisions within the British working class – a real boon for the different sectors of the bourgeoisie which do their best to keep us divided. Furthermore, it pushes narrow nationalism and in so doing, strengthens the SNP.
  One thing is sure, we’re not going to get any closer to socialism by building up the SNP, a party that represents capital and the interests of Scottish capitalists in particular. Whether they like it or not, the people who are pushing this option descend into class collaboration.  Fine talk about capitalist exploitation amounts to nothing but hollow words. Their attacks against the SNP are only for show. But their performance can’t hide what’s at the bottom of their position – it’s compromise, concessions, collaboration, critical support for the Scot Nats. How absurd is the left-nationalist position once it is reduced to its bare bones: for lack of a socialist party we should be content with a capitalist party!
There is only one alternative – a world socialist cooperative commonwealth
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From the April 1938 issue of the Socialist Standard Fellow Workers... You are interested in what are known as "bread and butter" questions. As a worker, you have to be. Doubtless, you are interested in politics as well. You should be. Because politics and bread and butter questions are closely bound up with each other—in fact, they cannot be separated. Low Wages—High Prices—
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Going hungry in the school holidays is a growing problem for up to three million UK children, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Hunger warns. Too many children return to school malnourished, sluggish and dreary, says the report. They are often weeks or months intellectually behind their better-off classmates who have a more wholesome diet during the holidays According to the report,
3 hours 2 min ago
The transition of human society from capitalism to socialism will be the most profound change in human society in over 10,000 years. No other economic transformation, not even the rise of capitalism, can compare. For the first time since the earliest of human societies people have finally started to practically work toward a social order not based on exploitation. That is, they’ve actually started to strive towards a society in which a tiny elite will no longer have the power to use for its own benefit the labour power of the vast, impoverished producing classes. 
For the greater part of the 200,000 years since the appearance of homo sapiens, scholars have drawn a picture of societies often described as “primitive communism.” These were social orders where people lived in small groups (most often labelled tribes or clans) in a way where the work and the means of production were shared in common. There was what we would consider being an extremely low level of technology, necessitating constant movement to find food and water. At some point, approximately 10,000 years ago, social conditions changed. As a result of population growth, technological advance, and the end of the last Ice Age, there was the development of settled agriculture, the domestication of animals, and the rise of towns. Among these momentous changes came the rise of classes – a split between a majority who worked and a small privileged few who lived off the labor of that majority.
Over time, the system of shared economic relations was, for the most part, obliterated. The new systems of class society took many forms. Over the millennia, we have seen the division of society into two main classes: master/slave, lord/serf, and capitalist/worker. One master class replaced another. Any idea of economic and social equality became a distant dream – the reality of poverty, war, racism, male supremacy, and human aggression – were part of the “natural” order of things. People of course never gave up the struggle for a better life, though. The people of our planet are now standing together united with this goal: the 10,000-year era of class exploitation must be ended and a new society based on equality, justice, and peace should be our vision. When the working class gains political and economic power, the ill-gotten wealth, power, and influence of the exploiters will disappear. The domination of one class by another, a feature of human society for 10,000 years, will become a thing of the past.

 In 1904, some members of the Social Democratic Federation, having done their damnedest to steer that compromising, reformist organisation on to the socialist path, were expelled from it. With others, they set about creating a political party with which they could work for socialism. The founders of the Socialist Party were under no illusions. We do not want, within our membership, those who do not subscribe to its principles. Neither would it be honest for workers to be drawn into our organisation without fully realising the implications of the principles and the nature of the Socialist Party they were joining.  It has maintained its opposition to Capitalist wars during two major world conflicts, and although the first of these conflicts was a bad setback for the Socialist Party, it did not destroy it. We are not satisfied with our numerical strength, but we are certainly not ashamed of it. Of one thing we are extremely proud. That is the quality of our membership. It is the quality—the understanding and determination—of the members, that gives an organisation its strength. We have seen a number of so-called working-class political parties grow into mass organisations — then wither away to nothing.  The development towards Social Revolution is not to be measured strictly by the growth of the revolutionary organisation.
 The workers have been, and are, throwing off the capitalist ideas that have been instilled into them. Many of the arguments against socialism that the founders of our Party had to answer are seldom heard today. The socialist case, although it is not widely accepted, receives tolerant attention nowadays. The days when members of our Party had to defend their speakers from the fury of a jingoistic audience are passed. The process of discarding old ideas and accumulating new ones goes on all the time, and the numerical strength of the Party that gives expression to the new ideas can only be taken as an indication and not as a measure of the progress made. Mankind's ideas are not to be emptied from or crammed into their heads as one empties a sack of potatoes and refills it. Old and unsound ideas can only be removed when new ones drive them out. New ideas are continuously being accumulated until the equivalent of that breaking point is reached. Not until a man’s mind has been cleared of its capitalist notions by the introduction of socialist ideas does he embrace the Socialist Party. The minds of all workers in the capitalist world are undergoing this process and are progressing, in varying degrees, towards a socialist understanding. Our task is to assist the process.
6 hours 2 min ago
War-torn South Sudan and Somalia are being badly hit by East Africa's hunger crisis. But in Kenya, which is at peace, millions also need food aid. Critics blame the ruling class. Kakuma is the second largest refugee camp in Kenya after Dadaab which is on the border to Somalia. As in all large UN refugee camps, the UN assumes the role of the state providing inmates with basic necessities such
9 hours 2 min ago